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Q&A: Mohamed Kanaissi, Editor-in-Chief of "Al-Baath" newspaper

Weakened by a flawed relationship to power, the Ba'ath requires ideological renovation to revive its leadership role.

By Muhammad Atef Fares
Photo Carole al-Farah

Where does the Ba'ath Party stand in the crisis?
In practice, the party is targeted as the regime is targeted. This has happened for decades, but it has accelerated since the invasion of Iraq in 2003. The regime's ideology is Arab nationalist Ba'athist, and there has been a huge attack on pan-Arab nationalism, Arabism and Ba'athism. This is because historically speaking, pan-Arab nationalism is liberating and unifying, and anti-occupation, anti-Zionist and anti-imperialist.

This resistance Arabism, which Syria embodies, represents the Arab masses, whereas the fake Arabism adopted by the oil-rich Arab countries disregards fundamental constants of genuine pan-Arab nationalism and the concept of resistance and Palestinian liberation.

Significantly, Ba'athists are ready for national dialogue. The Ba'ath leadership confirms that dialogue is an essential part of the solution and it does not exclude anyone.

How do you evaluate criticism targeting the party?
Since the crisis began, the media has criticised the Ba'ath Party. Sometimes this involves insults and curses based more on personal preconceptions than objective criticism resulting from analysis and careful follow up. Such criticism is politically motivated and aims to raise doubts about the party and to misrepresent it.

From what does the party suffer?
Article eight in the constitution says, "The party is a leader of state and society", but many Ba'athists say that if the party had actually played this role and not indulged in power, it would be in a better situation now.

The problem is that the party became accustomed to power or it did not find the right relation to it. Although it is right that the party wants and aims at power, it wants only to implement its project. However, when the party took power and engaged in it, its principles became weak.

To what extent has the party been "the leader of state and society"?
In practice it has not played this role. In my opinion, leading the state and society does not mean practising power. It is about monitoring power and fixing it, and responding directly to the people's demands.

What prevented the party from intervening in the economic policies that were a factor in creating the current crisis?
Sometimes, a conflict between state power and its pan-Arab project occurs. In recent years the Ba'ath did not achieve what it had to, or let us say it was late in achieving what was necessary for its ideological development.

It should have developed its ideology and discussed issues on an organisational level. As for freedoms, pan-Arab ideology has suffered from a serious shortage of democracy. The concept of patriotism and the will to achieve independence and maintain it have always won out; however, democracy has been absent and neglected.

However, the democracy proposed now lacks patriotism. The solution is not to import a democracy that sacrifices the country's sovereignty and independence. The right thing to do is to maintain the principle of patriotism and work to make its content democratic. There is a Ba'athist reform movement and democratising party life is one of its pillars.

What is the solution now?
The party has provided a lot to Syria and the Arab world. Its ideology meets the aspirations of the people there, and it has legitimacy. But it needs someone to renew it to keep up with the times. If the party does that, it will have a strong, bright presence.

You must not stick to any ideology - no matter how true it was at its birth - if it does not respond to new developments.